Methodology set of rituals

Methodology set of rituals Unfortunately method is sometimes reduced to incantations or a set of rituals which are applied to data. Because the research object is complex due to its multi-dimensional characteristics it is not susceptible to exhaustive coverage. Therefore, method itself should investigate at a conceptual level and not simply applied in a mechanistic way. The methodology applied in this project is therefore not a recipe for research practice. The research requires a qualitative methodology rather than a quantitative and it will draw upon non-positivist insights like phenomenology and post-structuralist. Again the analysis is not based on statistics but employs semiotics and analysis of discourse. Through data collection and the development and elaboration on the theoretical embedding the findings will gain reliability, validity, as well as the ability to generalise. To distinguish this approach from statistical sampling Glaser and Strauss (1967) have termed this theoretical sampling. Grounding theory on the basis of observation and recounting experiences either social experiences or work practices requires a: â€Å" process of data collection for generating theory whereby the analyst jointly collects, codes, and analyses his data and decides what data to collect next and where to find them, in order to develop his theory as it emerges. The emerging theory, whether substantive or formal controls this process of data collection. The initial decisions for theoretical collection of data are based only on a general sociological perspective and on a general subject or problem area † (Glaser and Strauss: 45). This requirement has impacted the decision for a qualitative methodology that leans towards institutional ethnography, associated with Dorothy E. Smith a social theorist from Canada. However, researching this project through institutional ethnography is primarily motivated by my views that objective knowledge used in the management of organisations does not pay tribute to the actual diverse circumstances of the lives of organisations members and is thus not open to the causes and consequences of the social problems perpetuated by these circumstances. By using institutional ethnography I envision, implicitly, a more just world where knowledge is distributed more equally, and where it can be used a challenging force of the existing power relations in an organisation (De Vault, 2008). This method contributes to a distributive justice agenda by turning peoples everyday lives into knowledge which seek to understand the existing power relations, and pointing to possible interventions in th ese relations. In answering the questions â€Å"how does this happen as it does? How are these relations organised† (Campbell Gregor, 2002, p. 7), institutional ethnography relies on the influence of social organisation literature the language theory of Bakhtin and critical theorists such as Marx and Foucault. The combination of the terms institutional and ethnography implies the need to move beyond local practices (Travers, 1996). It is an approach to empirical inquiry grounded by a materialist ontology the daily world of peoples actual activities drawing from ethnomethodology that examines how everyday life experience or professional practice, or policy making is socially organised (Devault and McCoy, 2001 p. 751), and its consequences in contemporary societies. Social organisation is understood as local practices tied into activities occurring across time and space to form extended sequences of action or what are called â€Å"trans-local† relations (McCoy, 1998). Institutions organise themselves formally by establish discourses of power and control which are disseminated through. These policies form the basis for further organisational documentation like contracts, accounting records, time sheets, job descriptions etc. Institutions develop conceptual practices:. These discursive, managerial, and professional forms of governance can be seen as the textual venues (such as legislation, management, administration etc.) where power is generated and perpetuated in society across multiple sites and are defined in institutional ethnography as ruling relations. Attempting to understand how the coordination of work processes, activities, and relations organised across space and time form part of the ruling apparatus in society (Grahame Grahame, 2000) institutional ethnography examines how textual sequences coordinate consciousness, actions, and ruling relations what Smith calls textually-mediated social organisation. Ruling relations are embedded in t hese textually-mediated social organisations, which make power less obvious to those being controlled. This notion of ruling relations draws on Marx and his conception of political economy arising from the activities of people (Smith, 1990: 94), but also on ethnomethodology, because it starts from the common-sense knowledge of people and how they talk about daily activities. It should be clear that institutional ethnography is not simply a methodology. Institutional ethnography is not a tool one can readily use at will without adopting the theoretical framework. Theory and orientation toward research are intricately entwined in institutional ethnography and cannot be divorced from one another. In summary the aim of institutional ethnography is not the discovery of ‘meaning or the description of social worlds as in traditional ethnography; the goal is to discover the forms of coordination and control that shape peoples everyday lives and thus to look at the concrete actions of individuals as they function in relation to an institution using an ethnographic method, but more interested in the political contexts than other qualitative approaches. The method takes into account the texts and discourses that make up social life, but is actually more grounded in fieldwork study of texts that are actually used than most forms of discourse analysis (Eastwood Devault 2001). So the research begins from the embodied experience of particular Citi staff and then set about systematically investigating the social and institutional determinants of that experience. In this way, the research produces knowledge for people, rather than about them, a kind of map of the work processes, dis courses and social practices that generate specific forms of inequality, marginalisation and subordination. The object of study in this research is not individual people or social groups but, rather, the social relations, especially institutional work processes and related modes of knowledge, that form the ground of Citi staffs lived experience, hence the almost perfect fit to apply institutional ethnography as the research approach, because one of the main purposes of institutional ethnography is to describe the coordination of the day to day activities in the organisation. The challenge is then to discover how ideology can be used to relate those activities to Citis institutional imperatives. This method enables the exploration of power and politics within Citi, producing insights unavailable using other research methods. The co-ordinating Citi staffs activities is being investigated through the use of institutional texts, with the aim to clarify how these are â€Å"hooked up† as Smith expresses it hierarchically and horizontally beyond Citis world. Using institutional ethnograp hy my study identifies the language of meritocracy as an area of experience or everyday practice, and explicates the institutional processes shaping that experience (Campbell Gregor 2002, p.59; DeVault McCoy 2001, p.755). Text Approaching text through institutional ethnography means deviating from the post-modern stance. It is not the discourse of the text that is the starting point nor is the focus on the subject who makes use of it. Contrary to post-modern approaches to social analysis that often treat texts as metaphors, the ‘body as text or ‘society as text; institutional ethnography investigates texts as active constituents of social relations. The idea of texts as constituents of organisations has been around in institutional theory for a long time: DiMaggio and Powell (1983) argued that texts allow organisations to standardise by modelling themselves after similar organisations, which are perceived as legitimate or efficient. For Taylor et al. (Taylor et al., 1996; Taylor and Van Every, 1993), actions in bureaucratic organisations are always text generating. Hasslebladh and Kallinikos (2000: 703) assert that â€Å"no organisation could support its status as a formal system without the arsenal of verbal and numerical techniques through which its goals and operations are described, organised and controlled†. More recently, Phillips et al. (2004: 635) have offered what they call a â€Å"discursive model of institutionalisation,† where â€Å"it is not action per se that provides the basis for institutionalisation but, rather, the texts that describe and communicate those actions. It is primarily through texts that information about actions is widely distributed and comes to influence the actions of others†. The same authors (ibid.: 641) write that â€Å"discourses provide the socially constituted, self-regulating mechanisms that enact institutions and shape the actions that lead to the production of more texts. Thus, the discursive realm acts as the background against which current actions occur—enabling some actions and constraining others†. Texts, in both their material and symbolic aspect form the bridge between the everyday/every night local actualities of our living and the ruling relations (Smith, 1999:7). The relations into whom the text and its discourses enter are investigated to discover the social activities that are generated. Symbolically, it is how text influences everyday life to co-ordinate social activities, how text constitutes social organisation. This will show the power of texts in everyday life (Smith, 1992: 93), and the importance of the physical texts to institutional organisation (Smith, 1984). Texts transport power in ideologies and practices across sites and among people. Since texts do not know boundaries, they are powerful tools in organising peoples activities, across organisations. (Smith, 1999: 80), standardising peoples activities into bureaucracies. The power of a text can be viewed similar to Foucaults (1967) explanation: â€Å"Power must be analysed as something, which circulates, or rather as something which only functions in the form of a chain. It is never localised here or there, never in anybodys hands, never appropriated as a commodity or piece of wealth. Power is employed and exercised through a net-like organisation. And not only do individuals circulate between its threads; they are always in the position of simultaneously undergoing and exercising power. They are not only its inert or consenting target; they are always the elements of articulation [italics added]. In other words, individuals are the vehicles of power, not its point of application.† (p. 234) Ruling relations The entry point of my inquiry is the standpoint of actual individuals located in the everyday world (Smith, 1987:159). Standpoint refers then to the location of an embodied subject in a specific local, historical setting. Although experience is the ground zero of my analysis it cannot be confined to the direct experience of the everyday world for it is organised by social relations not fully apparent in it nor contained in it (1987:92). According to a social organisation framework, social relations are systematic processes that control peoples lives through ruling relations â€Å"more or less mysteriously and outside a persons knowledge† (Campbell Gregor, 2002, p. 18; 2004, p. 18). Within this framework, social life is not chaotic but is purposefully organised to happen as it does. Power becomes critically important to evidence how ruling relations are transported through knowledge, experience, discourse, and institutions. Power of these ruling relations is investigated on an institutional level where Citi transposes what really happens to its staff into abstract categories. Conceptualising â€Å"what happens in a form that makes it administrablethese categories are embedded, for example in case reports, report cards, application forms, tickets, etc.† (Darville, 2002, p. 61). Smith conceives of institution as a complex of relations organised around a specific function such as law, health care, or education. This complex of relations forms part of the ruling apparatus in contemporary society. Rather than referring to a specific form of social organisation, institution refers to the coordination and intersection of an array of activities into a functional complex. The concept institution does not refer to entities in themselves but rather to the way in which they are interwoven around a particular function. To obtain data for this analysis, this project proceeds through three main phases of data collection: investigation of local experience through the Citi staffs individual standpoint, analysis of processes and social relations extending beyond Citi staffs experiential accounts, and establishing the interconnection between the local experience and the extended experience (Griffith Smith, 1990; Smith, 1987). Phase one examines the work activities (broadly defined) of Citi staff engaged in the progress of their daily lives with a view to analysing how that world is shaped by and maintains the institutional process. Bearing in mind that experiences or situations are not free-standing phase one data collection tries to discover the â€Å"material connections between what actually happens to participants in a research setting and what triggers those particular events† (Campbell Gregor, 2004, p. 70). While phase one brings the problem into view, phase two is an analysis of ideological procedures that are used to make the institutional work processes accountable. It is a way to â€Å"explicate how the local setting, including local understandings and explanations, are brought into being- so that informants can talk about their experiences as they do†((Campbell Gregor, 2004, p. 90). Important to this phase of data collection and analysis is the earlier mentioned notion that power is carried through the ideological constructs of texts. Analysis is about deriving particular meaning from the data as to their social construction across multiple settings. Bringing the other phases together phase three analyses how these work processes in a particular context are connected across time and place and as such operate as part of an extended set of social relations (Smith, 1987:160-161).

Amazon Case Analysis Essay -- GCSE Business Marketing Coursework

Amazon.com Case Analysis Internal & External Matrix, Matrix Analysis and TOWS Summary, and Quantitative Strategic Planning Matrix Executive Summary This case analysis serves the purpose to provide an analytical framework to evaluate Amazon.com from an internal and external perspective, and to provide strategic direction based upon the internal and external evaluation. The case will begin with an introduction to Amazon.com. Introduction/Background Jeffrey Bezos, formerly a senior vice president for D. E. Shaw & Company, founded Amazon.com in 1994. D. E. Shaw is a Wall Street-based investment bank, and Mr. Bezos was assigned to find good Internet companies in which to invest. During the summer of 1994, he stumbled across a Web site that showed the number of Internet users was growing by 2,300 percent per month. He quickly realized the vast potential of the Internet, and began putting together a list of possible products that he could sell on the World Wide Web. He eventually narrowed his list to music products and books. Although music products and books both had enormous potential, he eventually selected books because he believed that he could compete more evenly in the book segment due to the lack of a very dominant player. "In contrast, the music industry had only six major record companies. These companies controlled the distribution of records and CDs and, therefore, had the potential to lock out a new business thre atening the traditional record-store format" (Kotha, p.11). To begin his new venture, Mr. Bezos left New York and moved to Seattle. He decided to move to Seattle for two reasons: 1) Ingram Book Group's warehouse is located near Seattle; and 2) Because of the Seattle area's reputation for computer expertise. In 1995, Amazon began selling books entirely online, operating out of a rented facility and using doors laid across sawhorses for desks. He soon was able to generate several million dollars from venture capitalists, and sales were astounding. Sales for 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998 and 1999 were $0.5, $16, $147, $610 and $1,640 million respectively. Amazon's customer base has increased dramatically from 180,000 in 100 countries in 1996 to 12 million in 160 countries by mid-1999. In 1998, Amazon began to expand into other product categories. The Company began to sell music products and videos, and within two months o... ...fries & Company, Inc. April 12, 2001; pages 1-16. "Market Guide - Comparisons for amazon.com, Inc. (AMZN)." http://yahoo.marketguide.com/mgi/ratio/A13EF.html ; pages 1-5. Author unknown. Lund, Brian. "eBay vs. Amazon" The Motley Fool. April 3, 2001. http://www.fool.com/portfolios/rulebreaker/2001/rulebreaker010403.htm ; pages 1-4. Becker, Holly, Gross, Michael and Leichter, Stephanie. "Amazon.com Inc.: Amazon's International Challenges." Lehman Brothers Global Equity Research. May 3, 2001; pages 1-16. The Economist (1997a). "A Survey of Electronic Commerce." May 10; pages 1-18. Author unknown. Taken from above Kotha essay. The Wall Street Journal (1996). "Reading the Market: How a Wall-Street Whiz Found a Niche Selling Books on the Internet." May 16; page 1. Author unknown. Taken from above Kotha essay. Eads, Stefani. "Why Amazon's Board is Part of the Problem." BusinessWeek online. http://www.businessweek.com/bwdaily/dnflash/apr2001/nf2001044_127.htm ; April 4, 2001, pages 1-5. Junnarkar, Sandeep. "Shares of Amazon Hit on "Underperform" Rating." c|net News.com. http://news.cnet.com/news/0-1007-200-2478430.html ; August 9, 2000, pages 1-3. Amazon Case Analysis Essay -- GCSE Business Marketing Coursework Amazon.com Case Analysis Internal & External Matrix, Matrix Analysis and TOWS Summary, and Quantitative Strategic Planning Matrix Executive Summary This case analysis serves the purpose to provide an analytical framework to evaluate Amazon.com from an internal and external perspective, and to provide strategic direction based upon the internal and external evaluation. The case will begin with an introduction to Amazon.com. Introduction/Background Jeffrey Bezos, formerly a senior vice president for D. E. Shaw & Company, founded Amazon.com in 1994. D. E. Shaw is a Wall Street-based investment bank, and Mr. Bezos was assigned to find good Internet companies in which to invest. During the summer of 1994, he stumbled across a Web site that showed the number of Internet users was growing by 2,300 percent per month. He quickly realized the vast potential of the Internet, and began putting together a list of possible products that he could sell on the World Wide Web. He eventually narrowed his list to music products and books. Although music products and books both had enormous potential, he eventually selected books because he believed that he could compete more evenly in the book segment due to the lack of a very dominant player. "In contrast, the music industry had only six major record companies. These companies controlled the distribution of records and CDs and, therefore, had the potential to lock out a new business thre atening the traditional record-store format" (Kotha, p.11). To begin his new venture, Mr. Bezos left New York and moved to Seattle. He decided to move to Seattle for two reasons: 1) Ingram Book Group's warehouse is located near Seattle; and 2) Because of the Seattle area's reputation for computer expertise. In 1995, Amazon began selling books entirely online, operating out of a rented facility and using doors laid across sawhorses for desks. He soon was able to generate several million dollars from venture capitalists, and sales were astounding. Sales for 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998 and 1999 were $0.5, $16, $147, $610 and $1,640 million respectively. Amazon's customer base has increased dramatically from 180,000 in 100 countries in 1996 to 12 million in 160 countries by mid-1999. In 1998, Amazon began to expand into other product categories. The Company began to sell music products and videos, and within two months o... ...fries & Company, Inc. April 12, 2001; pages 1-16. "Market Guide - Comparisons for amazon.com, Inc. (AMZN)." http://yahoo.marketguide.com/mgi/ratio/A13EF.html ; pages 1-5. Author unknown. Lund, Brian. "eBay vs. Amazon" The Motley Fool. April 3, 2001. http://www.fool.com/portfolios/rulebreaker/2001/rulebreaker010403.htm ; pages 1-4. Becker, Holly, Gross, Michael and Leichter, Stephanie. "Amazon.com Inc.: Amazon's International Challenges." Lehman Brothers Global Equity Research. May 3, 2001; pages 1-16. The Economist (1997a). "A Survey of Electronic Commerce." May 10; pages 1-18. Author unknown. Taken from above Kotha essay. The Wall Street Journal (1996). "Reading the Market: How a Wall-Street Whiz Found a Niche Selling Books on the Internet." May 16; page 1. Author unknown. Taken from above Kotha essay. Eads, Stefani. "Why Amazon's Board is Part of the Problem." BusinessWeek online. http://www.businessweek.com/bwdaily/dnflash/apr2001/nf2001044_127.htm ; April 4, 2001, pages 1-5. Junnarkar, Sandeep. "Shares of Amazon Hit on "Underperform" Rating." c|net News.com. http://news.cnet.com/news/0-1007-200-2478430.html ; August 9, 2000, pages 1-3.

Employee Portfolio: Management Plan Essay

Employee Portfolio Amy, one of the employees has a very negative outlook on usual daily basis. She is not very satisfied with her current job which prevents her from showing her full potential at work. Her personal emotions take over and carry on to any tasks. There is something preventing her from being satisfied in the work. From her assessment it seems as she feels it is hard to grown and show her real ability to work to satisfaction of the company. On the other hand, Daisy is very happy with her current position in the company she is working for. She is happy which reflects in her work because she is able to use her full potential. She is able to accomplish whatever comes her way and is always open to new things. Finally, Lynnet is in some way like the other employee Daisy. She as well is happy with her job and can use own methods on the job to grow. She is good at noticing mood changes between others and herself and can think clearly about how to manage emotions. My recommendations on future assessments for Amy might be taking are like one, she needs to find a way she can control her emotions and feelings. Another recommendation is she needs to know she can take break before starting just so she can refresh her mood and attitude. Sometimes since she lets things around her take control taking a walk can help before taking any kind of assessments. Assessments can be stressful to an employee especially if they are afraid it can affect their pay, work schedule and future promotions. Both Daisy and Lynnet, are able to handle their emotions and surroundings and does not affect or interfere when taking assessments, therefore; they can just keep doing the same things they are currently doing that is working just fine. When Daisy was taking the assessment I noticed she took her time and even talked to herself about certain things she even knew about how she is. Lastly, Lynnet was quicker at doing the assessments  because at the moment she was just g etting off work and I believe since she loves her job it was just really easy to answer the questions. I believe Daisy and Lynnet should keep up what they are doing and working for them.

Compare and contrast the two poems, focusing on how the...

Compare and contrast the two poems, focusing on how the poets use language and imagery to represent war. Both poems are war poems of two different periods in history. The Charge of the Light Brigade, by Alfred Tennyson, was written before the twentieth century whereas Dulce et decorum est was first drafted in 1917 by a poet named Wilfred Owen. Tennysons poem was set in The Crimean War (1854-56) where the British commander made the mistake of charging at the main Russian position. He was meant to have retaken some guns held by the Russians. This had inevitably caused many deaths to the six hundred men that obeyed the order. Alfred Lord Tennyson was not at the battle scene, he created his poem through the description given†¦show more content†¦To me I refer to the tripling Cannons to the right of them, Cannons to the left of them as being the constant sound of cannons firing on the battlefield. Tennyson makes it obvious to the reader that death is inevitable. The noun Death is personified by a capital letter, implying that Death is the owner of the valley the soldiers are entering. This noun has also been repeated in every stanza, making it stand out, inferring that it could be important to the outcome of the battle. The soldiers rode into a hell of a battle. The use of personification, mouth of Hell to me evokes the image of a beast or monster waiting for the soldiers in The valley of Death. This poem gets the reader involved by using imperatives such as Honour the charge they made. Alfred Tennyson thought provokes the readers through his use of rhetorical questions, such as Was there a man dismayed? On the other hand, he may have used imperatives and rhetorical questions to get the reader to agree with the poet that soldiers are heroic. He may have wanted the readers to share his views and honour the light brigade. The war was loud and noisy. Noise imagery is evoked with verbs like volleyed and thundered, which could suggest the noise of the cannons being loud and threatening like thunder, as well as there was probably lots of guns firing everywhere. Unlike Dulce etShow MoreRelatedWilliam Shakespeare and Edmund Spenser771 Words   |  4 PagesFrom the works of William Shakespeare and Edmund Spenser it is clear that some similarities are apparent, however the two poets encompass different writing styles, as well as different topics that relate to each other in their own unique ways. In Shakespeare’s â€Å"Sonnet 18† and Spenser’s â€Å"Sonnet 75†, both poets speak of love in terms of feelings and actions by using different expressive views, allowing the similar topics to contain clear distinctions. Although Edmund Spenser’s â€Å"Sonnet 75† and WilliamRead MoreRomantic Poetry By George Gordon Byron969 Words   |  4 PagesByron (1788-1824) was a famous English poet of the romantic period. 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